Both leaders put their successors in a dangerous geopolitical position.
Last year, President Obama assured the world that “we are living in the
most peaceful, prosperous, and progressive era in human history,” and
that “the world has never been less violent.” Translated, those
statements meant that active foreign-policy volcanoes in China, Iran,
North Korea, Russia, and the Middle East would probably not blow up on
what little was left of Obama’s watch.
Obama
is the U.S. version of Stanley Baldwin, the suave, three-time British
prime minister of the 1920s and 1930s. Baldwin’s last tenure (1935–1937)
coincided with the rapid rise of aggressive German, Italian, and
Japanese Fascism. Baldwin was a passionate spokesman for disarmament. He
helped organize peace conferences. He tirelessly lectured on the need
for pacifism. He basked in the praise of his good intentions. Baldwin
assured Fascists that he was not rearming Britain. Instead, he preached
that the deadly new weapons of the 20th century made war so unthinkable
that it would be almost impossible for it to break out. Baldwin left
office when the world was still relatively quiet.
But his appeasement and pacifism had sown the seeds for a global
conflagration soon to come. Obama, the Nobel peace laureate and former
president, resembles Baldwin. Both seemed to believe that war breaks out
only because of misunderstandings that reflect honest differences.
Therefore, tensions between aggressors and their targets can be remedied
by more talk, international agreements, goodwill, and concessions.
Ideas such as strategic deterrence were apparently considered by both
Baldwin and Obama to be Neanderthal, judging from Baldwin’s naÏve
efforts to ask Hitler not to rearm or annex territory, and Obama’s “lead
from behind” foreign policy and his pledge never to “do stupid sh**”
abroad.
Obama issued various empty deadlines to
Iran to cease enriching uranium before concluding a 2015 deal that
allowed the Iranians to continue working their centrifuges. Aggressors
clearly assumed that Obama’s assurances were green lights to further
their own agendas without consequences. Iran routinely threatened U.S.
Navy ships, even taking ten American sailors into custody early last
year. Obama issued various empty deadlines to Iran to cease enriching
uranium before concluding a 2015 deal that allowed the Iranians to
continue working their centrifuges. Iran was freed from crippling
economic sanctions. And Iran quietly received $400 million in cash (in
the dead of night) for the release of American hostages. All that can be
said about the Iran deal is that Obama’s concessions likely ensured he
would leave office with a non-nuclear Iran soon to get nuclear weapons
on someone else’s watch.
Obama green-lighted
the Syrian disaster by issuing a red line over the use of chemical
weapons and then not enforcing it. When Syrian strongman Bashar al-Assad
called Obama’s bluff, Obama did nothing other than call on Russian
president Vladimir Putin to beg Assad to stop killing civilians with
chemical weapons. Nearly five years after Obama issued his 2012 red line
to Syria, and roughly a half-million dead later, Assad remains in
power, some 2 million Middle Eastern refugees have overrun Europe, and
Assad is still gassing his own citizens with the very chemical agents
that the Obama administration had boasted were removed.
Obama’s
reset policy with Russia advanced the idea that George W. Bush had
unduly polarized Putin by overreacting to Russian aggression in the
former Soviet republic of Georgia. But Obama’s concessions and promises
to be flexible helped turn a wary but opportunistic Putin into a bold
aggressor, assured that he would never have to account for his
belligerence.
Middle Eastern terrorism? Obama
assured us that al-Qaeda was “on the run” and that the Islamic State was
a “jayvee” organization. His policy of dismissing the phrase “radical
Islamic terrorism,” along with his administration’s weird assertions
that the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt was “largely secular” and that
“jihad” did not mean using force to spread Islam, earned the U.S.
contempt instead of support.
Russia and China
launched cyberattacks on the U.S. without worry of consequences. Both
countries increased their defense budgets while ours shrank. China built
artificial island bases in the South China Sea to intimidate its
neighbors, while Russia absorbed Crimea.
North
Korea built more and better missiles. Almost weekly, it threatened its
neighbors and crowed that it would soon nuke its critics, the American
West Coast included.
In other words, as was
true of Europe between 1933 and 1939, the world grew more dangerous and
reached the brink of war. And like Stanley Baldwin, Obama was never
willing to make a few unpopular decisions to rearm and face down
aggressors in order not to be forced to make far more dangerous and
unpopular decisions later on. Baldwin was popular when he left office,
largely because he had proclaimed peace, but he had helped set the table
for the inevitable conflict to be inherited by his successors, Neville
Chamberlain and Winston Churchill.
Obama
likewise ignored rumbling volcanoes, and now they are erupting on his
successor’s watch. In both cases, history was kind while Baldwin and
Obama were in office — but not so after they left.
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